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Lets say you decided to sell the cows in early 2007 and invest the proceeds in a sure thing -Dean Foods stock.
a broad discussion of dairy covering a wide range of issues
“In this paper we exploit a unique database that merges longitudinal earnings data on Pennsylvanian workers with national death records to study the detailed nature of the correlation between earnings and mortality. We find that the estimates typically reported in the literature, which are based on single years of earnings data, are likely to understate substantially the strength of the association between income and mortality. In particular, relative to a single year of earnings, the average of earnings over a six-year period predicts a 70 percent greater impact of income on mortality. In addition, controlling for the mean level of earnings over a period, we find that greater earnings volatility is associated with higher mortality.”
PASADENA, Calif.—The human brain is a big believer in equality—and a team of scientists from the California Institute of Technology (Caltech) and Trinity College in Dublin, Ireland, has become the first to gather the images to prove it.
Specifically, the team found that the reward centers in the human brain respond more strongly when a poor person receives a financial reward than when a rich person does. The surprising thing? This activity pattern holds true even if the brain being looked at is in the rich person's head, rather than the poor person's.
These conclusions, and the functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies that led to them, are described in the February 25 issue of the journal Nature.
"This is the latest picture in our gallery of human nature," says Colin Camerer, the Robert Kirby Professor of Behavioral Economics at Caltech and one of the paper's coauthors. "It's an exciting area of research; we now have so many tools with which to study how the brain is reacting."
It's long been known that we humans don't like inequality, especially when it comes to money. Tell two people working the same job that their salaries are different, and there's going to be trouble, notes John O'Doherty, professor of psychology at Caltech, Thomas N. Mitchell Professor of Cognitive Neuroscience at the Trinity College Institute of Neuroscience, and the principal investigator on the Nature paper.
But what was unknown was just how hardwired that dislike really is. "In this study, we're starting to get an idea of where this inequality aversion comes from," he says. "It's not just the application of a social rule or convention; there's really something about the basic processing of rewards in the brain that reflects these considerations."
The brain processes "rewards"—things like food, money, and even pleasant music, which create positive responses in the body—in areas such as the ventromedial prefrontal cortex (VMPFC) and ventral striatum.
In a series of experiments, former Caltech postdoctoral scholar Elizabeth Tricomi (now an assistant professor of psychology at Rutgers University)—along with O'Doherty, Camerer, and Antonio Rangel, associate professor of economics at Caltech—watched how the VMPFC and ventral striatum reacted in 40 volunteers who were presented with a series of potential money-transfer scenarios while lying in an fMRI machine.
For instance, a participant might be told that he could be given $50 while another person could be given $20; in a second scenario, the student might have a potential gain of only $5 and the other person, $50. The fMRI images allowed the researchers to see how each volunteer's brain responded to each proposed money allocation.
But there was a twist. Before the imaging began, each participant in a pair was randomly assigned to one of two conditions: One participant was given what the researchers called "a large monetary endowment" ($50) at the beginning of the experiment; the other participant started from scratch, with no money in his or her pocket.
As it turned out, the way the volunteers—or, to be more precise, the reward centers in the volunteers' brains—reacted to the various scenarios depended strongly upon whether they started the experiment with a financial advantage over their peers.
"People who started out poor had a stronger brain reaction to things that gave them money, and essentially no reaction to money going to another person," Camerer says. "By itself, that wasn't too surprising."
What was surprising was the other side of the coin. "In the experiment, people who started out rich had a stronger reaction to other people getting money than to themselves getting money," Camerer explains. "In other words, their brains liked it when others got money more than they liked it when they themselves got money."
"We now know that these areas are not just self-interested," adds O'Doherty. "They don't exclusively respond to the rewards that one gets as an individual, but also respond to the prospect of other individuals obtaining a reward."
What was especially interesting about the finding, he says, is that the brain responds "very differently to rewards obtained by others under conditions of disadvantageous inequality versus advantageous inequality. It shows that the basic reward structures in the human brain are sensitive to even subtle differences in social context."
This, O'Doherty notes, is somewhat contrary to the prevailing views about human nature. "As a psychologist and cognitive neuroscientist who works on reward and motivation, I very much view the brain as a device designed to maximize one's own self interest," says O'Doherty. "The fact that these basic brain structures appear to be so readily modulated in response to rewards obtained by others highlights the idea that even the basic reward structures in the human brain are not purely self-oriented."
Camerer, too, found the results thought provoking. "We economists have a widespread view that most people are basically self-interested, and won't try to help other people," he says. "But if that were true, you wouldn't see these sort of reactions to other people getting money."
Still, he says, it's likely that the reactions of the "rich" participants were at least partly motivated by self-interest—or a reduction of their own discomfort. "We think that, for the people who start out rich, seeing another person get money reduces their guilt over having more than the others."
Having watched the brain react to inequality, O'Doherty says, the next step is to "try to understand how these changes in valuation actually translate into changes in behavior. For example, the person who finds out they're being paid less than someone else for doing the same job might end up working less hard and being less motivated as a consequence. It will be interesting to try to understand the brain mechanisms that underlie such changes."
What Does Zero-Sum Game Mean?
A situation in which one participant's gains result only from another participant's equivalent losses. The net change in total wealth among participants is zero; the wealth is just shifted from one to another.
Investopedia explains Zero-Sum Game
Options and future contracts are examples of zero-sum games (excluding costs). For every person who gains on a contract, there is a counter-party who loses. Gambling is also an example of a zero-sum game.
usda.gov/Open
The Open Gov Initiative is a new charge to transform how government interacts with the public to be more open, transparent & collaborative. We want to share our ideas and listen to yours - see what’s important to you, and what’s not.
The crash of global dairy markets in mid-2008 put U.S. exports on course for a decline in 2009, ending a streak of six straight years of expansion.
Dairy export sales totaled $2.32 billion last year, down 39 percent from 2008’s record level, according to analysis of government trade data conducted by the U.S. Dairy Export Council (USDEC). However, most of the downturn reflected lower world prices; overall export volume was off just 16 percent, at 2.178 billion lbs. of milk solids (totalsolids basis), says USDEC. Export volume represented 9.3 percent of U.S. milk production in 2009, down from 11.0 percent in 2008 and 9.8 percent in 2007.
At the end of calendar year 2009, as the national economy was recovering from the recession of 2007-2009, workers in different segments of the income distribution clearly found themselves in radically different labor market conditions. A true labor market depression faced in the bottom two deciles of the income distribution, a deep labor market recession prevailed among those in the middle of the distribution, and close to a full employment environment prevailed at the top. There was no labor market recession for America’s affluent.
Milk production is projected to continue rising over the projection period, although at a slower pace than in the past several years. An upward trend in output per cow continues, but the 4-year increase in milk cow numbers from 2004 to 2008 ended during 2009.
• After a relatively sharp drop in 2009-10, milk cow numbers are expected to resume a more typical path of year-to-year declines. However, projected annual reductions are more moderate compared with past years. As the transition from small, diversified farms to large, specialized dairy farms matures, cow numbers decline at lower rates and level off toward the end of the projection period.
• Milk output per cow is projected to increase through the projection period, reflecting continued technological and genetic developments and the transition from smaller, diversified farms to larger, specialized dairy operations in most regions.
• Domestic commercial use of dairy products increases somewhat faster than the growth in
U.S. population over most of the next decade. Cheese demand benefits from greater consumption of prepared foods and increased away-from-home eating. However, per capita consumption of fluid milk is expected to continue to decline slowly.
• U.S. dairy product exports decline from the levels reached in 2008 but remain high by historical standards. Exports on a skim-solids basis fall less than fat-basis exports because of commercial sales of dry-milk products, as the United States is projected to be a competitive exporter of non-fat dry milk through the projection period.
• Farm-level milk prices have fallen from the high levels of 2007 and 2008, due in part to lower exports of U.S. dairy products. Prices are projected to rebound somewhat in 2010 as production decreases in response to lower 2009 prices. Following continued production and price adjustments through 2012, milk prices rise steadily over the latter part of the projection period. However, prices increase less than the general inflation rate largely because of efficiency gains in production resulting from technological improvements and consolidation in the sector.
February 5, 2010
Opposition Prompts Government to Repeal Reporting Requirement
The U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) repealed a recent change in the 2010 Harmonized Tariff Schedule that would have effectively laid the groundwork for implementation of the Dairy Import Assessment (DIA). IDFA previously advocated for the repeal or modification of the requirement, which was implemented January 1.
Prior to the suspension, numerous countries that offer important exports markets for the United States questioned the one sided reporting requirement and reiterated to the U.S. Trade Representative that the assessment is not compliant with U.S. trade obligations. The Customs mandate would have required milk solids reporting on over 250 different food products, including many foods that are not considered dairy products, such as cocoas, beverages, doughs and mixes. U.S. exports of the same products, however, would not have been subject to the additional reporting requirements.
Reporting milk solids data was proposed by the U.S. Department of Agriculture as the basis for collecting assessments, estimated at $6 million, to augment the National Dairy Promotion and Research program, the U.S. dairy producer check-off program. To date, this program solely promotes U.S. dairy products.
Congress authorized USDA to collect assessments on imported dairy products, as long as the domestically oriented check-off program was changed to promote imports as well as U.S. dairy products. It remains to be seen whether these stipulations can be met.
"The government's decision to repeal the reporting requirement was a good indication that they are concerned about the larger trade implications of the DIA," said Ruth Saunders, IDFA vice president of policy and legislative affairs.
For more information, contact Saunders, at (202) 220-3553 or rsaunders@idfa.org.
U.S. feed grain ending stocks for 2009/10 are projected lower this month
with higher expected corn use and sorghum exports. Corn used for ethanol is projected 100 million bushels higher reflecting the latest ethanol production data from the Energy Information Agency. November’s record ethanol production was up 3 percent from the previous record in October as higher prices for ethanol and distillers grains boosted ethanol producer returns.
November-December corn use for ethanol was up 16 percent from the same period in 2008/09. Although returns have declined since November, recently lower corn prices continue to support profitability for ethanol producers. A 5-million-bushel reduction in expected corn use for sweeteners partly offsets the increase for ethanol. Corn exports for 2009/10 are projected 50 million bushels lower on increased competition from Argentina. Ending stocks are
projected 45 million bushels lower. The projected marketing-year average farm price for corn is narrowed 5 cents on both ends of the range to $3.45 to $3.95 per bushel.
Q. What kind of comments did you receive during
the National Animal Identification System (NAIS)
listening tour and submitted online?
A. The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA)
received a wide variety of comments during the listening
tour. Some people were in favor of NAIS, but the
vast majority of participants were highly critical of the
program. Some of the concerns and criticisms raised
included confidentiality, liability, cost, privacy, and
religion. There were also concerns about NAIS being
the wrong priority for USDA, that the system benefits
only large-scale producers, and that NAIS is unnecessary
because existing animal identification systems
are sufficient.
During the feedback process, USDA also received
input from Tribal Nations and industry groups, as well
as representatives for small and organic farmers.
USDA seriously considered and reviewed all the
comments and feedback we received before deciding
how to address animal disease traceability.